By Peter J. Katzenstein
Anglo-America is a in actual fact identifiable a part of what's normally often called the West. The West exists, this ebook argues, within the type of a number of traditions that experience forex in the United States, Europe, the Americas, and some outposts within the Southern hemisphere.
Led via the British Empire till the start and via the USA because the center of the 20th century, Anglo-America has been on the very centre of global politics. Bridging the ecu and the yank West, Anglo-America is unique, now not special. those a number of Wests coexist with one another and with different civilizations, as components of 1 international civilization containing a number of modernities. and prefer all different civilizations, Anglo-America is marked by means of a number of traditions and inner pluralism. as soon as deeply held notions and practices of imperial rule and racial hierarchy now take the shape of hegemony or multilateralism and politically contested models of multiculturalism. At its middle Anglo-America is fluid, now not mounted. The analytical views of this booklet are specified by Katzenstein’s starting and concluding chapters. they're explored in seven impressive case experiences, written through well known authors, which mix ancient and modern views.
Featuring a superb line-up and representing a range of theoretical perspectives inside of one integrative viewpoint, this paintings might be of curiosity to all students and scholars of diplomacy, sociology and political technological know-how.
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Extra resources for Anglo-America and its Discontents: Civilizational Identities beyond West and East
About forty years later, Mandela’s South Africa emerged from stigmatized, pariah statehood. When the African National Congress won the first free elections in 1994, it initiated a new set of political choices, based on existing traditions and newly emerging ones, that made it possible to conceive of South Africa as a multi-racial democracy. Mexico, finally, like South Africa, is living at the periphery of Anglo-America, not in its midst. Like all of the Americas, Mexico with its Hispanic legacy has an indigenous population that makes race a relevant political category, as illustrated during the last two decades by the Chiapas rebellion.
David MacDonald and Brendon O’Connor amplify the same point in Chapter 8, with specific reference to the “special relations” between the United States, Australia, and New Zealand, with Britain fading into the background in the American century. Strong bonds of common historical experience, shared interests and purposes have had demonstrable and durable effects on a strategic culture that supports the notion of special relationship, first with Britain and later with the United States. Special relations reflect conceptions of interest.
I would like to thank the discussants at these meetings: Duncan Bell and Andrew Gamble at the ISA meeting; Robert Keohane, Ron Krebs, Jennifer Mitzen, and Herman Schwartz at the APSA meeting; and a large number of colleagues who participated in the Toronto conference. I thank Martin Bernal for his detailed criticisms and suggestions. And most importantly I thank the contributors to this book, from whom I have learned enormously and who have been generous to a fault with their comments, suggestions, and friendly criticisms.